SandraVitaljic

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	<title>SandraVitaljic</title>
	<link>https://sandravitaljic.com</link>
	<description>SandraVitaljic</description>
	<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2023 20:02:16 +0000</pubDate>
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		<title>I JUST GREET BACK</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/I-JUST-GREET-BACK</link>

		<pubDate>Mon, 27 Feb 2023 20:02:16 +0000</pubDate>

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		<title>INFERTILE GROUNDS</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/INFERTILE-GROUNDS</link>

		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2019 23:04:49 +0000</pubDate>

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		<title>Locations</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/Locations</link>

		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2019 23:27:24 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

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INFERTILE GROUNDS /&#38;nbsp;

NEPLODNA TLA


 locations / lokacije


 SLANA
– ISLAND OF PAG


In the Slana and Metajna
concentration camps on the island of Pag, as well as in Jadovno on mountain
Velebit, the first mass liquidations of detainees (Jews and Serbs) were
conducted in the Independent State of Croatia. The camps were operational from
mid - June to August 25th 1941,
when the Italians occupied that area. In the camps on Pag from 15.000 to 18.000
people were killed. The
prisoners, often exhausted by hunger and thirst, were thrown into a pit or taken out to sea by
boat, killed and thrown overboard. 


There are no commemorative plaques or markings in the places where these
camps were located.


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d9dc90a8534bcea8c46328933c1c18b21250d624bc0af5a641d5e3dc79f51ed2/14Pag.jpg" data-mid="37909940" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/d9dc90a8534bcea8c46328933c1c18b21250d624bc0af5a641d5e3dc79f51ed2/14Pag.jpg" /&#62;
JASENOVAC 


The Jasenovac concentration camp was a death camp
in which men, women and children were killed because of their religion,
ethnicity, ideological affiliation or sexual orientation between August 1941
and April 22nd 1945. The camp was built by the authorities of the Independent State
of Croatia, installed in Croatian territory by the Nazi-fascist occupation
forces.


 In April 1945 the
concentration camp was mined, burned and destroyed. Today, landscape of The
Jasenovac Memorial Site is marked by mounds and hollows in the ground. The
hollows mark the places where the camp buildings used to be, and the mounds
mark the sites of graves or execution sites within the camp. Over the years,
various interested parties have manipulated the number of Jasenovac victims, therefore
the number of people killed has ranged from 30,000 to 700,000. Through the use
of hundreds of different sources and a critical review of data for each
individual victim, a figure of 83,145 was reached. These numbers are not final.


&#60;img width="350" height="277" width_o="350" height_o="277" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c882be7b512c8affbca18c9ce0a28fc411b17aa9ec0d7f9b0ebce069c2b41b06/08Jasenovac.jpg" data-mid="37910136" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/c882be7b512c8affbca18c9ce0a28fc411b17aa9ec0d7f9b0ebce069c2b41b06/08Jasenovac.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d42439fc0ad6ede9c70ddc0f0c53c0af1060d3381e3ce93b36da6d4a5791930f/11Jasenovac.jpg" data-mid="37910140" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/d42439fc0ad6ede9c70ddc0f0c53c0af1060d3381e3ce93b36da6d4a5791930f/11Jasenovac.jpg" /&#62;
 
DOTRŠČINA 


The woods of
Dotrščina, in the north-eastern part of Zagreb are one of the sites where
executions took place during the Indipendent State of Croatia (NDH). It is
estimated that around 7.500 people were shoot at the site. 


Among the victims
were Croatian intellectuals and politicians Ognjen Prica, Božidar Adžija,
Zvonimir Richtman, journalist and publicist Otokar Keršovani, who were shot on
July 9th , 1941 as retaliation for Partisan activities. Croatian
poet August Cesarec was also executed there on July 15th 1941. 


At Dotrščina several monuments were raised,
but some of them were damaged during the 1990's.


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f778fcc3f997a299471b83db0d8f3ec9c76c6d38015e6dfe4acc7e0e7750aed4/05Dotrscina.jpg" data-mid="37910270" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/f778fcc3f997a299471b83db0d8f3ec9c76c6d38015e6dfe4acc7e0e7750aed4/05Dotrscina.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a39229c63803b5138c80109d870a81b56123b7718aa28ab57400748f91da73d8/20Dotrscina.jpg" data-mid="37910271" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/a39229c63803b5138c80109d870a81b56123b7718aa28ab57400748f91da73d8/20Dotrscina.jpg" /&#62;
KLJUČ BRDOVEČKI


While working in the
fields in the spring of 2009, the villagers of Ključ Brdovečki discovered a
mass grave. Apparently members of the Croatian regular military units called domobrani (Home Guards) and soldiers of
German Wehrmacht Blue Division were buried there along with a number of
civilians. They were executed by members of the Yugoslav liberation units (partizani) in May 1945. After the
corpses were buried villagers poured calx on them to prevent the stench of
decomposing flesh to spread throughout the village. These events were not
talked about during Socialism and still are disputed by many. Despite the
announcements made in the media, excavation and exhumation have not yet started
and the exact number of victims is not known. According to some unreliable
sources, the number of the victims could reach a few thousand. 


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/66f8029b2a409bc058f22b8fb0f5f2e284f2a6ca3d5cc35c99023bd1e16f0e08/18Kljuc-Brdovecki.jpg" data-mid="37910293" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/66f8029b2a409bc058f22b8fb0f5f2e284f2a6ca3d5cc35c99023bd1e16f0e08/18Kljuc-Brdovecki.jpg" /&#62;
 
BUČJE


At the very beginning of the
Croatian War for Independence, the Serbian rebels, assisted by the forces of
the Yugoslav Army, organized a concentration camp in Bučje, near Pakrac. The
prisoners were held in the building of the veterinary clinic. A dozen women
were detained in a separate area. The camp was operational from August to
December 1991. More than 300 Croatian soldiers and civilians were detained in
the camp at various times. They were tortured, starved, beaten and humiliated.
Twelve people were killed and the fate of 41 people is still unknown. After
disbanding the camp, the detainees were taken to Stara Gradiška prison and they
were exchanged in January 1992 under the supervision of the International Red
Cross. No one has yet been convicted for the crimes at the Bučje camp.


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f3d233193e41366eaeaf41c4893926fd529051bea0c5104896ef6899a49f3c68/02Bucje.jpg" data-mid="37910352" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/f3d233193e41366eaeaf41c4893926fd529051bea0c5104896ef6899a49f3c68/02Bucje.jpg" /&#62;
 
SLJEME
– ADOLFOVAC


On December 7th 1991, around 11PM, five reservists of the
Croatian police (so-called Merčep's escadrons of death) entered the apartment
of a Serbian family named Zec in Zagreb neigborhood Trešnjevka. Mihajlo Zec,
who tried to escape, was killed on the spot. His wife Marija and 12-year-old
daughter Aleksandra, who witnessed the murder, were taken by van to the
mountain lodge Adolfovac on Sljeme near Zagreb, shot and buried there. Although
the killers Igor Mikola, Nebojša Hodak, Siniša Rimac, Munib Suljić i
Snježana Živanović were arrested and pleaded guilty before a magistrate,
they were released because of procedural errors during the investigation. In 2004 the Croatian
government decided to pay financial assistance to the surviving members of the
Zec family in the amount of 1.5 million kuna. Subsequently,
their
lawyer withdrew a lawsuit against the Croatian state in the Zagreb Municipal
Court. Adolfovac burned down in 1993. Once a popular
hikers' lodge, today is a just a forgotten ruin.


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/1fa84da702c1b33e8b75a089f7488006b82eaae087cb210a4a2a0658cd418108/01Adolfovac.jpg" data-mid="37910432" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/1fa84da702c1b33e8b75a089f7488006b82eaae087cb210a4a2a0658cd418108/01Adolfovac.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="277" width_o="350" height_o="277" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a99a62206be5360a605ddbf6b522910d9b32d21ede9c16fb84740a7b812e54e3/15Adolfovac.jpg" data-mid="37910438" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/a99a62206be5360a605ddbf6b522910d9b32d21ede9c16fb84740a7b812e54e3/15Adolfovac.jpg" /&#62;
 
SISAK


During
1991 and 1992, a number of Sisak’s citizens of Serbian origin, although not
involved in the rebellion, fell under suspicion and were taken away by groups
of Croatian defenders. They were assaulted and tortured at various locations
where Croatian anti-terror units were placed. Detainees were executed and their
bodies were thrown into the Sava River. In some cases, whole families
disappeared. The number of citizens who were tortured and/or liquidated ranges,
according to various sources, from one hundred up to six hundred. Until
recently no one was prosecuted for those crimes.&#38;nbsp;


&#60;img width="350" height="276" width_o="350" height_o="276" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/433793ad7a5470a390258d0f5d8b93074aaabb68524304eb0626dff76903a462/03SisakSava.jpg" data-mid="37910517" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/433793ad7a5470a390258d0f5d8b93074aaabb68524304eb0626dff76903a462/03SisakSava.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/eb089b4d7f1ef0cb246f4667eaafa6ca412eed2c8b18b6780ecd08d6ed2daa7b/12Sisak_front-page.jpg" data-mid="37910518" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/eb089b4d7f1ef0cb246f4667eaafa6ca412eed2c8b18b6780ecd08d6ed2daa7b/12Sisak_front-page.jpg" /&#62;
 
OVČARA


The Ovčara farm near the town of
Vukovar is the scene of the worst crime committed against Croatia and one of
the worst war crimes committed in Europe after World War II. At Ovčara, during
the night of 20/21, November 1991, two days after the fall of town of Vukovar,
paramilitary troops of Serbian rebels assisted by Yugoslav Army forces,
executed 200 wounded Croatians - soldiers, civilians and medical personnel,
aged 16 to 72 - who were taken from the Vukovar hospital. The bodies of those
killed were thrown in a pre-dug hole and buried with bulldozers. Prior to
execution they were exposed to constant beatings and torture. The International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia indicted three former Yugoslav Army
officers for the massacre at Ovčara: Mile Mrkšić (sentenced to 20 years
imprisonment), Veselin Šljivančanin (sentenced to 17 years imprisonment) and
Miroslav Radić (acquitted).


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/3793787351482b7fc4f5906d75b8f6197a2adbf2ade8d378eb5567406b2bed0b/07Ovcara.jpg" data-mid="37910565" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/3793787351482b7fc4f5906d75b8f6197a2adbf2ade8d378eb5567406b2bed0b/07Ovcara.jpg" /&#62;
 
PAKRAČKA POLJANA - RIBNJAK (Fish pond)


 In October 1991,
members of reserve units of the Croatian Ministry of the Interior Affairs,
commanded by Tomislav Merčep tortured and liquidated several Serbs in villages
around Pakrac, Garešnica and Kutina. Some of the victims were brought from
Zagreb, where a pavilion at the Zagreb Fair was converted into a temporary camp
(Hall 22). In Pakračka Poljana prisoners were kept in the basement of
elementary school and a locker room of a local football club. They were
tortured there in the most brutal ways. 


In November 1991,
some members of the Croatian Military police broke into the homes of Serb
civilians in the villages of Ribnjak and Marino Selo near Pakrac, under the
pretext of searching for illegal weapons. Many of them were taken in for
interrogation, but were tortured and then executed and thrown in the fish pond.
On several occasions the guards of the fish pond found dead bodies in the
water. Eighteen Serbian civilians were killed. In March 2009 six former members
of the Military Police were sentenced to a total of 46 years in prison for crimes
committed in Ribnjak. Supreme Court of Republic of Croatia has on March 23rd
2010, on basis of procedural mistakes, abolished the verdict of the Council of
War Crimes of the County Court in Požega. The case has been redirected to a new
trial at the County Court in Osijek. On December 10th 2010 the police have
detained Tomislav Merčep on the basis of the demand of the Public defense
attorney of Zagreb. He is being charged with commanding and immediate liability
for war crimes against civilians in Pakračka Poljana.


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/adb7b6e9743791b8c5684e237f99742045a1702eb4c58e6cf35e69b66d1fc3cc/13Ribnjak.jpg" data-mid="37910590" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/adb7b6e9743791b8c5684e237f99742045a1702eb4c58e6cf35e69b66d1fc3cc/13Ribnjak.jpg" /&#62;
 
MEDAČKI DŽEP


On September 9th 1993 the Croatian army launched a military
operation called Medak Pocket, which had the aim of reducing the pressure of
the Serbian rebels on the city of Gospić. Medak Pocket is an area that includes
villages of Divoselo, Ćitluk and Počitelj. Although the Croatian forces had
achieved a tactical victory and temporarily pushed Serbian forces from the
area, the operation was marked by controversy because of skirmishes between the
Croatian army and UN peace keepers, and the killing of 36 Serbian civilians,
most of them older than 60, after the end of the military operation. Serbian
properties were systematically looted and destroyed to prevent Serbian population
from returning. In 2000 another 11 corpses were found in one septic tank in the
part of the town which used to be inhabited by Serbs. Although part of the
Serbian population eventually returned to the area, Medak Pocket is still
largely abandoned.


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0d1b2373f0586c91e53ebe3df97b16e2cab44436cb1a71d255a35f1f4a809c6c/06Medacki-Dzep.jpg" data-mid="37910689" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/0d1b2373f0586c91e53ebe3df97b16e2cab44436cb1a71d255a35f1f4a809c6c/06Medacki-Dzep.jpg" /&#62;


STUBICA


The city of
Stubica was the center of the Croatian-Slovenian peasant revolt in early 1573.
The Great Peasants' Revolt or Peasant War, as contemporaries called it, began
in the Susedgrad-Stubica estate. Causes of rebellion were exacerbated by the
position of farmers and limitations and interferences in peasant trade. Another
cause was fighting among nobility, which armed the peasants, and the brutal
treatment of serfs by Franjo and Gabriel Tahy.


Rebellion, which
began in late January, came to its bloody finale in the battle on the field
near Stubica, on February 9th 
1573 in which the main rebel group was defeated. The most prominent
leader of the rebels, Ambroz (Matija) Gubec, was captured and executed a few
days later in Zagreb.


In Yugoslavia the
Peasant revolt was a symbol of struggle against feudalism and of brotherhood
and unity of two nations. Today Gubec and the Peasant revolt no longer
represent the class struggle. The cooperation between Croatian and Slovenian
peasants is ignored because of strained relations between the two countries.


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/74ba4019fb9d3e47d96b4773857cde742d40b402bc4f1cd56ca9a10dba353334/04Stubica.jpg" data-mid="37910730" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/74ba4019fb9d3e47d96b4773857cde742d40b402bc4f1cd56ca9a10dba353334/04Stubica.jpg" /&#62;
 
BLEIBURG 


When it became clear
that the Quisling Independent State of Croatia will collapse with the fall of
Nazism in Europe, a number of the Ustasha and Home Guard units (domobrani) and
a number of civilians retreated in fear of revenge from the partisans towards
the Austrian border in the hope of surrendering to the British forces. Around
30.000 people gathered near the Carinthian town of Bleiburg. According to the
agreement that existed among the Allies that captured forces will be handed
over to the armies they fought against, the British handed over the prisoners
to the Yugoslav partisans on May 15th 1945. 


A very small number
of prisoners were killed on the plains near Bleiburg. Most were killed after
crossing the Drava river, or on forced marches under inhumane conditions over
long distances. Events that followed the Bleiburg are known as the Croatian Way
of the Cross. The exact number of victims at Bleiburg and marches that followed
has never been determined with certainty, and realistic estimates range from
20.000 to 50.000. 


In Yugoslavia, the
events that took place in Austria and in the Way of the Cross were covered up
and it was forbidden to visit Bleiburg. After Croatia gained its independence,
perceptions were changed and Bleiburg became a place of pilgrimage.
Commemorations are often mired by the use of Ustasha symbols by some of the
visitors.


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/374944ec26c45fdeb3f17423114b195c275ecb7bd526c4db67266b1760ddbe08/17Bleiburg.jpg" data-mid="37912139" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/374944ec26c45fdeb3f17423114b195c275ecb7bd526c4db67266b1760ddbe08/17Bleiburg.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c44fa2b2b1bbea1e8abe71753b04359c831f1eb15dbc428a8a0d6f4d334a6f7f/23Bleiburg.jpg" data-mid="37912140" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/c44fa2b2b1bbea1e8abe71753b04359c831f1eb15dbc428a8a0d6f4d334a6f7f/23Bleiburg.jpg" /&#62;


FOIBAS


Foibas
are a natural karstic holes in Istria and the Slovenian coast in which members
of the Yugoslav (Slovenian, and Croatian) Partisan formations in September 1943
(after the capitulation of Italy) threw Fascists, and their supporters, mostly
Italians, as well as many innocent victims. Another outburst of violence
occurred in May 1945 after the end of the World War II. An exact number of
victims, the circumstances of the crimes, and the motives of the perpetrators
have not yet been thoroughly investigated. A lot has been written on the
subject in Italy, and the right wing parties have always exaggerated the number
of victims of foibas and exodus of the Italian population from Istria, ignoring
at the same time the victims of terror and massacres done by the Italian
Fascists in Istria and Dalmatia.&#38;nbsp; In
Croatia the victims of foibas remained overshadowed by the victims of the
Croatian Way of the Cross, and the topic hasn’t been thoroughly discussed. The
topics of foibas and exodus of the Italian population after WWII has remained a
constant subject of disputes for the Italians, Croatians, and Slovenians. 


According to the writings of the
Italian daily newspaper of the time, Corriere
Istriano, between September 20th and 22nd 1943, 84
Italians had been cast into the foiba near Vinež. Germans, who had occupied the
territory after the capitulation of Italy, hired the mineworkers from Labin to
remove the bodies from the depth of 135 meters. 
On May 9th 1945 an unknown number of Italian and German
soldiers, who have previously surrendered themselves on May 7th to
Partisans in Muzil (Pula), were thrown in a deep foiba Golubinčina near Rakalj.
According to some sources, from total number of approximately 2200 soldiers,
mostly Germans (members of the 237th infantry division), tens of
soldiers were executed immediately, around 800 were led to the Labin mine, and
around 60 of them were killed in Golubinčina. Not long after the massacre,
according to some of the locals, an intolerable odor had started to spread
through Rakalj, and was felt for months. This unexplored foiba is only one
amongst many scaffolds that can be found between Pula and Barban - the path
that some 1200 soldiers started at today’s Pula airport. There are testimonies
about Partisans who came a year later after the crime, and removed the bodies.


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d2875292249b5eabdba35966d55a9acfe2bbfd8f2766a817e3897a2850e5eba5/16Foiba-Rakalj.jpg" data-mid="37912405" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/d2875292249b5eabdba35966d55a9acfe2bbfd8f2766a817e3897a2850e5eba5/16Foiba-Rakalj.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2be602f1ab9ecd262622264276770b8e67c8f6c390fb6625c60daa053080ed3e/22Foiba-Vinez.jpg" data-mid="37912406" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/2be602f1ab9ecd262622264276770b8e67c8f6c390fb6625c60daa053080ed3e/22Foiba-Vinez.jpg" /&#62;


BAĆIN


On
October 21st 1991 in the village of Baćin 56 elderly Croatians from
Cerovljani and Hrvatska Dubica were killed. Members of the Serbian paramilitary
troops escorted the civilians from a bus in Baćin and gunned them down with
automatic weapons. They left the bodies unburied on banks of Una river. They
later returned, dug holes with a dredge and buried the bodies. Perpetrators
were never convicted for this war crime. 


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/87d645c83810e47ed13a92c85d7513c4e345b2fce2a7cc78f1e529af291050ea/10Bacin.jpg" data-mid="37912611" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/87d645c83810e47ed13a92c85d7513c4e345b2fce2a7cc78f1e529af291050ea/10Bacin.jpg" /&#62;
 
LOVAS


On October 10th
1991 Yugoslav Army and the Serbian paramilitary troops occupied the villages
Lovas and Opatovac located near the Serbian border, 20 km southeast of Vukovar.
The Croatians were forced to wear a white band on their sleeve for recognition;
the non Serbian population was tortured and killed, the properties looted and devastated.
On October 18th 1991 members of the Yugoslav Army, local authorities
and Serbian voluntary divisions “Dušan Silni” took 50 Croatian civilians, held
captive as work labor in Lovas, into the mine field near the village. The
prisoners were forced into the mine field to clean it of mines. Several mines
exploded, and the Serbian army forces opened fire. 21 civilians died, 14 were
wounded. The local cemetery of Lovas was the site of a mass grave from which 68
victims were exhumed, 10 more were exhumed form individual graves. 14 people
were charged for the crimes in Lovas. On July 26th 2012 the Supreme
Court in Belgrade has convicted the self-proclaimed commander of the occupied
Lovas Ljuban Devetak, to 20 years in jail. Others were sentenced to 4-14 years
in jail.


&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/73e2acf55779efd5eb21a9229beff3cb82c3659ec5f98d27e47997dae22e0fcc/21Lovas-copy.jpg" data-mid="37912676" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/73e2acf55779efd5eb21a9229beff3cb82c3659ec5f98d27e47997dae22e0fcc/21Lovas-copy.jpg" /&#62;
 
DONJA GRADINA


 &#38;nbsp;Nearly half of the total number of victims of the concentration camp in
Jasenovac was killed in the most gruesome ways in Donja Gradina, on the right
bank of the Sava River. The first mass liquidation of prisoners in Donja
Gradina, took place in January 1942. Since the winter was harsh, it was
impossible to dig graves, so the Ustasha transported the villagers of Jablanac
by ferry to Donja Gradina, killed them and then burned their bodies in the
houses of the evicted villagers of Donja Gradina. This area was then used as a
killing field until 1945. 


&#38;nbsp;In nine burial
fields 105 mass graves are located, covering an area of 10,130 square meters.
Later another 22 mass graves were found. 


&#38;nbsp;At the point where
the river Una enters the river Sava, there used to be a poplar tree called
"Poplar of sighs" or "Friar Satan's Poplar" because of
numerous hangings and slaughter carried out in the most atrocious ways under or
on the tree. The tree fell down in 1978. It was then preserved and protected in
a horizontal position as a natural monument to the atrocities committed there. 


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5a1281cea30a275cde7643308ad9b3870c5ae840aa8afc48567144b7d2da15e0/09Donja-Gradina.jpg" data-mid="37912687" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/5a1281cea30a275cde7643308ad9b3870c5ae840aa8afc48567144b7d2da15e0/09Donja-Gradina.jpg" /&#62;&#38;nbsp;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/87920d04ff8a9d8e894a3a816354ad4e2eb80d228e66ece86302e98314f632cd/19Donja-Gradina.jpg" data-mid="37912688" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/87920d04ff8a9d8e894a3a816354ad4e2eb80d228e66ece86302e98314f632cd/19Donja-Gradina.jpg" /&#62;
STUPIŠĆE (ISLAND VIS)


During
decades of SFR Yugoslavia the island of Vis was closed to foreigners and
transferred into great military fortress due to its strategic position.
Military staff was often more numerous then local residents who were forced to
live in isolation. &#38;nbsp;More than 60 military facilities are placed on the
surface of 90 km2 including underground garrisons such as missile base or
cavern to shelter military fleet. The length of each tunnel is unknown. After
the retreat of JNA (Yugoslav National Army), on May 30th 1992 all
the documentation was taken away, cannons were blown up while there were
several unmarked mine fields left on the island. JNA's artillery and missile
base was located on cape Stupišće. Artillery positions, dug into the hill, were
connected by a labyrinth of underground corridors. Cavern entrances were
camouflaged by Styrofoam »rocks«, ventilation is placed inside the rocky
objects that appear as traditional island houses. Consequences of 50-years'
isolation of island of Vis is reflected in economical underdevelopment and
inability to develop tourist industry. Massive emigration of local population
from the island was associated with that very fact. Tunnels and other
facilities are now abandoned, robbed and devastated. Thieves of iron dismantled
and took away everything, even the huge 4-tones cannons. Only one of 37
enormous underground objects successfully changed its initial purpose and
became a winery. Majority of facilities nowadays belong to Croatian Ministry of
Defence, and some are returned to local authorities. &#38;nbsp;Occasionally local
tourist agencies guide visitors around the island's military heritage preserved
and maintained in its current state by the isolated struggle of few locals who
cherish the island's rich military history. 


&#60;img width="2" height="2" src="file:///C:UsersSanjaAppDataLocalTempmsohtmlclip1�1clip_image002.png" style="width: 2px; height: 2px;"&#62;&#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0ccf91333312c1eb5d2d34810b6a5300003221f7c0a0f6c9d72fb295ec8b0d16/23Vis.jpg" data-mid="37910702" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/0ccf91333312c1eb5d2d34810b6a5300003221f7c0a0f6c9d72fb295ec8b0d16/23Vis.jpg" /&#62;


SVETA GERA / TRDINOV VRH


 &#38;nbsp; Sveta Gera is the
highest peak of Žumberak (Gorjanci in Slovenian). Since 1923 it is named
Trdinov vrh in Slovenia, after the literate Janez Trdina. Area of Sveta Gera is
subject of border dispute between Slovenia and Croatia. In 1991 when JNA
retreated from the barracks it was immediately occupied by Slovenian Army and
since then this piece of land is under its control. Therefore, that is the
reason and the trigger for the border dispute caused by disintegration of SFR
Yugoslavia. There are numerous sections of controversy and dispute along the
border, especially in Istria, Piran Bay and Žumberak. With the introduction and
enforcement of ecological-fishing zone Croatia closed Slovenia's access to the
international seas, while Slovenia as a member of EU took advantage and blocked
opening of new chapters in Croatia's accession negotiations. Croatian
government proposed the solution by calling for international arbitrage but
that was rejected by Slovenia insisting on further negotiations. These events
were followed by series of border incidents and arduous negotiations without
solution. Slight progress was achieved only after several conversations between
Jadranka Kosor and Borut Pahor. The arbitration agreement was finally signed on
4 November 2009 in Stockholm. Thus Slovenian government released all opened
Croatian chapters in EU accession negotiations. By the end of 2014 five members
of arbitrage council ought to decide on the border dispute. Until then Croatia
ought to become a member of EU.


 &#60;img width="350" height="278" width_o="350" height_o="278" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/152b598caf86c85d38b5255856444ba148dbcaa65d0613056dd6e189535383df/24Sveta-Gera.jpg" data-mid="37910718" border="0"  src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/350/i/152b598caf86c85d38b5255856444ba148dbcaa65d0613056dd6e189535383df/24Sveta-Gera.jpg" /&#62;


</description>
		
	</item>
		
		
	<item>
		<title>About the work</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/About-the-work-1</link>

		<pubDate>Fri, 15 Mar 2019 23:07:54 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://sandravitaljic.com/About-the-work-1</guid>

		<description>INFERTILE GROUNDS – THE PHOTOGRAPH AS A SITE OF MEMORY


Holm Sundhaussen has analysed in
detail the construction of memory and myths in Yugoslavia and its successor
states, positing that memories are dependent on social setting and context, and
are consequently subject to change.[1]&#38;nbsp;When Yugoslavia broke up, the Yugoslav memory was broken down into a number of
national memories that were given the task of setting up the new identities of
each individual nation. Debates that involved an attitude to the past,
different interpretations and manipulations according to given political goals
were omnipresent in the media. Names like Jasenovac and Bleiburg went beyond
their topographical referentiality, and each time they were mentioned included
different possible interpretations and contextualisations. This prompted
consideration of the culture of memory and of the places that in various ways
construct the national history and identity. Thus in 2008 I started the
research and in 2009 began taking series of photographs that I named Infertile Grounds, metaphorically
signifying the impossibility of development in an area in which historical
accounts had never been settled. I was interested by places that political
rhetoric had used copiously in inflammatory speeches during the 90s, places of
institutionalised memory as well as those that had never been marked by a
single memorial plaque. As after World War II, so after the war in the former
Yugoslavia, the politics of memory labelled what needed remembering, and
suppressed what it was desirable to forget. Each party in the conflict has the
need to commemorate only its own victims and deny the right of the other
party its memories. 


Pierre
Nora claims that the concept lieux de
memoire was created because in our society rituals have vanished. Nora
believes that museums, archives, cemeteries and collections, public holidays,
anniversaries, memorials and shrines are the rituals of a society without a ritual,
artificially established, determined and decreed by a society deeply absorbed
in its own transformation and renewal.[2]&#38;nbsp;There
is no spontaneous memory, hence the endeavour to create it from archives,
marking anniversaries and organising celebrations, carrying out operations that
according to Nora are no longer natural. It is hard to understand what it is
that prevents Croatian citizens who so heartily wanted to have independence
hanging out the Croatian flag on their homes on the days of state holidays.
Year after year television polls show that citizens of this country do not know
which national holidays are celebrated on which day. “Every group that wants to
consolidate itself as such endeavours to create and secure spaces that are not
just the theatres of its forms of interaction but also symbols of its identity
and moorings for its memory,” writes Assman.[3]&#38;nbsp;And so
the Altar of the Homeland was,
significantly, set up at Zagreb’s burg of Medvedgrad
during the rule of Franjo Tudjman, the first president of 


Croatia, in 1994, and after his
death was neglected and little visited. 
As historian, Tudjman was obsessed with
historical revisionism and the establishment of rituals of memory to build up
an authentic Croatian identity. But the only places that are visited and that
do have an importance in the cultural memory are places of real events from
recent history, sites of mass crimes and suffering. Naturally, only those
places that in the official culture of memory are accepted, marked by memorial
plaques and monuments. “The most
original medium of any mnemonic device is location in space,” as Assman points
out. But while mnemonics operate with imagined spaces, the culture of memory
sets up signs in natural space.[4]&#38;nbsp;When in Varivode a memorial slab was erected to the Serbian victims killed
after the military operation Storm, it was smashed the very next day. The same
thing happened in the Bay of Slana on Pag island, the site of a concentration
camp where 15,000 to 18,000 people, mostly Serbs and Jews were killed from
mid-June to August 25, 1941. In the collective memory, this place hardly
exists. Individual memories are cherished by the descendants of those who were
killed, by those who have the need to commemorate their own dead. 


Places
of memory are not unambiguous; rather, their meanings are in a state of flux,
and a change in the political system can completely change the meaning of a
place. The village of Srb, in Lika, was marked in Yugoslavia by a monument
commemorating the day of the uprising of the people of the Socialist Republic
of Croatia against Nazism and fascism; however, when Croatia became
independent, the commemoration of AntiFascist Struggle Day changed its location
and date, and the monument in Srb was blown up and destroyed.[5]&#38;nbsp; 


The
photographs of the Infertile Grounds&#38;nbsp;series show empty landscapes, on the whole avoiding putting any memorial
emblems in the frame. Memorial signs are indications of a politically motivated
culture of memory and are subject to destruction, change of meaning and ideological
iconography. Assman points out that “even landscapes can serve as a medium of
cultural memory”[6]&#38;nbsp;and then are entirely elevated to the level of sign. He calls them mnemotopes[7].&#38;nbsp; Landscape is a social construct, which Liz
Wells defines as the look that comprehends both nature and the impact that
humanity has had upon it.[8]&#38;nbsp;Mitchell states that landscape “is a medium of exchange between the human and
the natural, the self and the other. It is both a represented and a presented
space, both a signifier and a signified, both a frame and what a frame
contains.”[9]&#38;nbsp;Accordingly, in the series Infertile
Grounds I take the landscape as the point of departure, and look upon it as
site for the construction of collective memory. Some of these sites have been
raised by ideology to the level of the sign, and the actual topographical
reference as title of a photograph evokes in the viewer a whole series of
common/produced knowledge and media interpretations. “Naming transforms space
into place”, writes Wells.[10]&#38;nbsp;For the photographer too, in the very act of photographing, the landscape is
that “present space” that he or she experiences and interprets while including
the ballast of all that knowledge and all those emotions created in the
meditative process of recording with a large format camera. History is not
visually inscribed in the landscape itself, but the fact is that these selfsame
trees were growing in the winter when the Ustashas turned Donja Gradina into an
immense region of mass graves and when the same location was photographed
almost 70 years later. Poplar of Sighs orPoplar of Brother Satan, as the
inmates of Jasenovac Camp called the tree on which the Ustashas hanged their
victims after first savagely torturing them, has absorbed and also contains
memories of these events, or we can at least believe that among its grains
there is this inscription, if illegible to us. 


Unlike
places that by institutionalisation have permanently secured a place in the
collective memory, like Jasenovac and Donja Gradina[11], some sites
have only recently been discovered, have still been insufficiently
investigated, and their geographical names will arouse the interest of just the
handful of initiates. Such are the places Kljuc Brdovecki and Gornji Hrascan,
locations at which the Partisans allegedly, immediately after World War II,
carried out the mass executions and burial of hundreds of Ustashas, regular
soldiers and members of the Wehrmacht. This memory was repressed and even
proscribed in Yugoslavia, but that was unable to prevent human bones
occasionally being turned up in the fertile ploughland in the surroundings of
Zapresic. A look at the landscape here is a look at nothing, or as Mitchell
records: “The invitation to look at a view is thus a suggestion to look at
nothing - or more precisely, to look at looking itself - to engage in a kind of
conscious apperception of space as it unfolds itself in a particular place”.[12]&#38;nbsp;Where the naming of the locality is not enough13 a text providing
the factual details of the historical events inducts the viewer into the
context of the space that he or she is looking at in the photograph. It is this
history that the landscape shown transforms from a general and undefined space
into a place.[13]&#38;nbsp; 


Some
locations by their very names will evoke just nice memories of a family weekend
trips to the Zagreb mountain, Sljeme, like the popular hiking lodge Adolfovac.
But this was also the site of the execution of Aleksandra and Marija Zec, who
on December 8, 1991, were taken there by the police reservists of the so-called
squadron of death commanded by Tomislav Mercep, after they had murdered their
father and husband Mihajlo Zec in their home in Tresnjevka. The case of the
liquidation of the Zec family is very well known in the Croatian public,
particularly since the killers, even after their admission of guilt, were
released; but the place of their murder is not marked, is not a part of the
official culture of memory. The hiking lodge Adolfovac was itself burnt down to
the ground in 1993. The photographs are more than a mere reference to a real
locality, for the viewers they can become a real place.[14]&#38;nbsp; 


For this reason, in the Infertile Grounds series I endeavour to
create a place of memory within the space of the photograph, an alternative
memento that is not created by ideology, rather by the need to open up the
space of remembrance for victims who are never going to acquire their own space
in the official culture of memory.&#38;nbsp; 


Sandra Vitaljić


[1] Sundhaussen, Holm,
“Jugoslavija i njene države sljednice. Konstrukcija, destrukcija i nova
konstrukcija "sjećanja" i mitova”,
in Brkljačić, M., Prlenda, S. (ed.), Kultura
pamćenja i historija, Golden marketing-Tehnička knjiga, Zagreb, 2006.,&#38;nbsp; p. 242 

[2] Nora, Pierre, Between Memory and History: Le Lieux de
Memoire, Representations No. 26, Spring 1989, University of California
Press, p.12 


[3] Assman, Jan, “Kultura sjećanja”,
in Brkljačić, M., Prlenda, S. (ed.), Kultura
pamćenja i historija, Golden marketing-Tehnička knjiga, Zagreb, 2006,&#38;nbsp; p. 54, translated from Croatian 


[4] Ibid., p. 70 


[5] The Srb memorial was
reconstructed in 2010, but the actual events in Srb in July 1941 are still
subject to various controversial interpretations. 


[6] Ibid. 


[7]&#38;nbsp;Halbwachs also wrote of
the legendary topography of the Holy Land as expression of collective memory,
explaining it by the need for each group to localise and monumentalise their
own memory. In the previous chapter, Broomberg and Chanarin, already mentioned,
dedicated the only visual chapter in their book Chicago to the Palestinian landscape, whose history contemporary
Israel is systematically erasing, attempting to wipe out every memory of Arab
life before the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. Desert areas are
afforested with pines in a contemporary ritual in which the victims of
terrorist attacks and fallen soldiers are commemorated. These woods have become
popular excursion sites, and the beauty of the afforested landscape calls to
mind the image of a paradisal garden, calling to mind the lost homeland of the
Jews. And yet, this new forest landscape is actually located in the
expropriated lands of Arab villages that have been destroyed, the inhabitants
forcibly evacuated in 1948. Broomberg and Chanarin with their photographs draw
attention to landscape as a space for the deletion of memory and of collective
amnesia. See Broomberg, Adam, Chanarin, Oliver, Chicago, SteidlMACK, Gottingen, 2006.:&#38;nbsp; 


[8] Wells, Liz, Land Matters - Landscape Photography,
Culture and Identity, I.B. Tauris, London, 2011,&#38;nbsp; p. 2 


[9]&#38;nbsp;Mitchell, W.J.T., Landscape and Power,
The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994, 2002,&#38;nbsp; p. 5 &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;
&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp; 
[10]&#38;nbsp;Wells, Liz, Land Matters - Landscape
Photography, Culture and Identity, I.B. Tauris, London, 2011.,&#38;nbsp; p. 3 


[11] Jasenovac and Donja
Gradina are a battlefield for different remembrance cultures. Once part of a
single unit called Jasenovac Memorial Area, today these two locations are in
two different states – Jasenovac in Croatia and Donja Gradina in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, or rather, in Republika Srpska. At commemorations on the different
banks of the Sava, different numbers of victims are mentioned. During the
years, the different sides have manipulated the number of victims of Jasenovac,
and the figure has ranged from 30,000 to 700,000. According to the most recent
research of the Jasenovac Memorial Centre, the real number of victims ranged
between 80,000 and 100,000. In April 2010, a name-by-name list of the victims
of Jasenovac was published, in which, using more than a hundred different
sources, and with a critical re-examination of the data for each individual
victim, the number of 80,914 was reached, although this is still not a final number.
See www.juspjasenovac.hr.&#38;nbsp; 


[12] Mitchell, W.J.T., Landscape and Power, The University of
Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994, 2002.,&#38;nbsp; p.
viii 13 The photographs are always accompanied by a text that
explains events at the location shown. Some places are generally known and it
is not necessary to explain them in detail, but it always depends on the
cultural heritage of the viewer.&#38;nbsp; 


[13]&#38;nbsp;The relationship between space and place is a key question in the context of
landscape. See more in Mitchell, W.J.T., Landscape
and Power, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994,2002.,&#38;nbsp; p. viii &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;
[14] Author Kitty Zijlmans
points out that it is this that is the reason that we take photographs with us
in our wallet, looking at them, kissing or touching them. We also use them to
mark and familiarise some temporary space, like a hotel room, to turn it into
our own space. Zijlmans, Kitty, “Place, Site and Memory in Contemporary Works
of Art”, in Westgeest, Helen (ed.), Take
Place: Photography and Place from Multiple Perspectives, Valiz, Amsterdam,
2009.,&#38;nbsp; p. 221 </description>
		
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		<title>Installation view </title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/Installation-view-1</link>

		<pubDate>Tue, 19 Mar 2019 00:40:22 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

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		<title>BELOVED</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/BELOVED</link>

		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2019 17:47:15 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://sandravitaljic.com/BELOVED</guid>

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		<title>About the  work</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/About-the-work</link>

		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2019 22:56:38 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

		<guid isPermaLink="true">https://sandravitaljic.com/About-the-work</guid>

		<description>SCENES WITH FLOWERS AND OTHER VEGETATION


I presume that these verses, melody, voice, and the scenario of the
video clip are quite familiar to you:


They call me The Wild Rose


But my name is Elisa Day


Why they call me it I do not know


For my name is Elisa Day


 From the first day I saw her I
knew she was the one


As she stared in my eyes and
smiled


For her lips were the colour of
the roses


That grew down the river, all
bloody and wild


 When he knocked on my door and
entered the room


My trembling subsided in his sure
embrace


He would be my first man, and
with a careful hand


He wiped at the tears that ran
down my face


 On the second day I brought her a
flower


She was more beautiful than any
woman I'd seen


I said, "Do you know where
the wild roses grow


So sweet and scarlet and
free?"


 On the second day he came with a
single red rose


He said: "Will you give me
your loss and your sorrow?"


I nodded my head, as I lay on the
bed


"If I show you the roses
will you follow?"


 On the third day he took me to
the river


He showed me the roses and we
kissed


And the last thing I heard was a
muttered word


As he knelt above me with a rock
in his fist


 On the last day I took her where
the wild roses grow


And she lay on the bank, the wind
light as a thief


As I kissed her goodbye, I said,
"All beauty must die"


And lent down and planted a rose
between her teeth


 It is, of course, Where the Wild
Roses Grow performed by Nick Cave and Kylie Minogue, from the album Murder Ballades (1996), a song that has
become a world hit immediately after the single was released. As for the
verses, Cave has commented: “I’d wanted to write
a song for Kylie for many years. I had a quiet obsession with her for about six
years. I wrote several songs for her, none of which I felt was appropriate to
give her. It was only when I wrote this song, which is a dialogue between a
killer and his victim, that I thought finally I’d written the right song for
Kylie to sing. I sent the song to her and she replied the next day.”[1]


 Where the Wild Roses Grow is Cave’s version of the
traditional Appalachian murder ballad Down
in the Willow Garden, also known as Rose
Connelly, which tells of a man facing the gallows for the murder of his
lover, whom he gave poisoned wine, stabbed her with a knife, and threw her body
into the river. It supposedly originated in Ireland and is dated to the early
19th century. The murder ballad as a subgenre emerged in
north-western Europe in the mid-17th century, when texts describing in
detail mythical or actual murders were printed and sold in the form of leaflets.
The iconography of the video clip Where
the Wild Roses Grow, directed by Rocky Schenck, undoubtedly pays homage to
the famous painting of a co-founder of the pre-Raphaelite fraternity, Sir John
Everett Millais: Ophelia from 1851.
It shows Ophelia lying with half-closed eyes in a rivulet, singing before she
drowns herself. The model for the painting was Elizabeth Siddall (1829-1862), a
poet and painter known in art history for her pale complexion and rich red hair,
which made her a pre-Raphaelite muse and model. She was wife to Dante Gabriel
Rossetti, who entangled a collection of his unpublished verses in her hair
while she was lying dead in her coffin, but regretted the act some years later
(because of the verses, of course) and performed a secret exhumation. In
Schenck’s video clip, Kylie Minogue sings while lying with semi-closed eyes in
a rivulet, a huge snake crawling over her body, and Nick Cave, still holding
the rock in his hand, puts a red rose between her slightly parted lips.


 Early in the 17th century, in 1606, Michelangelo Merisi da
Caravaggio completed his commission for the chapel of the Roman Carmelite
church of Santa Maria della Scala in Trastevere – the altar painting depicting
the Death of the Virgin, but in a way
which was considerably detached from the established iconographic canon for
showing the Virgin on the catafalque. Caravaggio’s Virgin is a young red-haired
woman with bare feet, one arm stretched towards the space beyond the painting, other
resting on her belly. The commissioners rejected the painting not only because
of the “indecent” bare-footed Virgin, but also for suspecting that the painter
modelled her on the dead body of a Roman prostitute drowned in Tiber. 


In 1986, British director Derek Jarman released his masterpiece Caravaggio, in which he meticulously
reconstructed the dramatic chiaroscurotypical of that painter, as well as the genesis of Caravaggio’s emblematic
naturalism. The narrative structure of the film focuses on the relationship
between the painter and his favourite models: his lover Ranuccio Tomassoni and
his unwed consort, prostitute Lena, whom Tomassoni drowned in the river “out of
love for Caravaggio.” In Jarman’s dramaturgy, the confession of the murder
results in Caravaggio’s “crime of passion” as he killed his lover by cutting
his throat with a knife. The consequence of that incident was that the painter
had to flee Rome, since his powerful admirers from the highest ecclesiastical
circles for once denied him protection. Jarman’s film describes in detail the
process of creating the Death of the
Virgin, today exhibited at the Louvre, and Caravaggio’s adoration of the
lifeless body of the prostitute on which the Christian Virgin’s figure was
modelled.[2]


 Four centuries after Caravaggio and the emergence of the murder ballad
as a subgenre, photographer Sandra Vitaljić appropriated the dramatic baroque chiaroscuro for her series of twelve
photographs to which she gave the title Beloved.
Recalling that the still life as an autonomous genre in the early modern
European art first appeared in the age of baroque, I would claim that Sandra
Vitaljić here literally photographed a still life. Her photographic performance
focuses on the cultural use, or rather the aestheticization and discursive
dissemination of the dead female body that is a consequence of a sexually
motivated crime. In doing that, she does not exhibit a photographic image
alone, but an extremely aestheticized, massive object into which the
photographic image with two equal faces, that is, with its front identical to
its reverse, is literally incorporated. Photographic prints, made in a format
that corresponds to the object’s natural size, have been inserted, or rather
squeezed in between two prisms made of completely transparent, colourless
Plexiglas. The exhibition layout presents these aestheticized objects almost
floating, resembling the illuminated segments of the dramatic staging in Tenebrist
paintings. The photographed motifs are what the medical argot would call
anatomic specimens. Organic matter immersed into formalin in glass jars, dead
objects that used to be living human beings. One of the specimens, shot from
various filmic angles, is the head of a young red-haired woman, her eyes and
mouth half open. In another glass prism, one can see a human heart pierced by a
bullet, in the third a piece of human breast pierced by a knife, in the fourth
a hand with obvious cuts, in the fifth a piece of skin perforated by bullets,
in the sixth a partly shaven, red-haired head with an open wound in the back.
All these which Sandra Vitaljić’s photographs show as anatomic specimens, as
they are commonly found in forensic and anatomic institutes in the role of
didactic tools, are segments of human bodies that have been sung and eroticized
in love poetry. 


I had a heart, a childish
heart, 


A heart that ached, ah, ached
so badly! 


I had a heart, an aching,
aching heart, 


And when it left me, I no
longer cried. 


I was almost happy. But then,
in a night 


Of anguish my aching heart – a
small bird 


Found me in the darkness,
stood above my head 


And tinily chirped this tiny
song to me: 


– It has been one whole year,
every single night 


That I’ve served a naked lady
as a troubadour, 


Guiding her dreaming soul
through a wondrous land 


In love stories and in
soothing moonlight. 


But last night – alas! – the
chanting stopped, 


And fell on my breast like a
comet: 


Last night, my brethren, I
gave my soul to the devil, 


Ah people, it died, my heart
has died![3]


The lethal wound functioning as a referent in each of the photographs
that Sandra Vitaljić posits as an aestheticized fetishist object likewise
relates to the psychoanalytic notion of a narcissist wound, associated with the
fear of castration and implicitly with fetishism. Based on Freud’s statement
that we subconsciously react to an art photograph, as it can be something that
we may want to hold in our hands or draw closer to our faces or bodies, Victor
Burgin has observed that such fascination with the “glossy” (of the
photographic paper) invokes the famous case of Freud’s patient who fetishized
the Glanz on nose, concluding that
the photographic look is ineluctably implicated in the structure of fetishism.
[4 ]&#38;nbsp;In her almost classical text Visual
Pleasure and Narrative Cinema (1976), Laura Mulvey has considered the fear
of castration in the context of its performatives, manifested as sadism or as
fetishist scopofilia, establishing a relationship between the gaze (including
the photographic or cinematic one) and the patriarchal structural violence.[5]&#38;nbsp;That violence is permanently reproduced through the public discourse, through
the so-called “high” and “popular” cultures, where its vaguely seductive
aestheticization only too often keeps it below the threshold of perception.


 Interpreting the two “trials of the century,” namely Eichman’s trial in
Jerusalem and the American trial of O.J. Simpson for the murder of his wife,
through the notion of the collective unconscious, Shoshana Felman has
established that beating is a quintessential figure of abuse of power (both
physical and moral): &#38;nbsp;


“As an emblem
of oppression and humiliation, as a symbol of transgression of the other’s
property and of invasion of the other’s body, beating is not just physiological
but is inherently political. A radically offensive act, it is, I would suggest,
the most rudimentary political offense and has the impact (physical and moral) of
a political act par excellence. But seeing – as the essence of the cognitive
activity and as the foundation of both consciousness and memory – is in turn an
act that is not simply physiological; it can in turn be inherently, unwittingly
political.” Felman thereby recalls Althusser’s observation that the invisible
is defined by the visible as itsinvisible, its prohibited sight. For “to
see this invisible... requires something quite different from a sharp or
attentive eye, it takes an educated eye,
a revised, renewed way of looking, itself produced by the effect of a ‘change
of terrain’ reflected back upon the act of seeing.” Felman, however, takes a
step further than Althusser, indicating that “the limitations of the
possibilities of seeing, the structural exclusions from our factual frames of
reference, are determined not only by (conscious or unconscious) ideology but
by a built-in cultural failure to see
trauma... as the abuse of power(beating) is inscribed in culture as a &#38;nbsp;trauma... trauma is precisely what cannot
be seen; it is something that inherently, politically and psychoanalytically,
defeats sight, even when it comes in contact with the rules of evidence and
with the trial’s legal search for visibility. The political is thus essentially
tied up with the structure of the trauma. It is to the structure of the trauma,
therefore (and not simply to a different ideology) that our ‘eyes’ should be
precisely educated.”[6]


 Since the 1970s, feminist art
practices have applied various performative strategies in the process of “educating
our eyes for the structure of trauma.” In the early 1980s, for example, Jenny
Holzer circulated her Truisms, among
others the famous one that Murder has its
sexual side, in various public spaces of the city, simulating the form of
advertising campaigns typical of the consumerist society of the spectacle. The
first version of her project Lustmordfrom 1993, which referred to the mass raping to death in concentration camps
during the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, was performed in a
mass-media format – as a weekly addition to the prestigious German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung Magazin. The mass
media regularly inform us on what they call “the black statistics,” so that we
know, for example, that every two seconds a woman is murdered somewhere in the
world, mostly by her own partner, but these black statistics are published for
the sake of spectacularization and commercialization of violence, rather than
explaining the mechanisms of structural violence and the structural
invisibility of trauma. Thus, the Croatian newspaper were raising their sales
last year by reporting on the “new details of investigation” related to the
murder of a young Mexican tourist massacred by a man from Split while she was
taking a walk on Mount Marjan, or the case of a girl from Split whose entrails
were torn by a fellow student in erotic rapture on a private party (organized
to celebrate the liberating verdict for two Hague prisoners). The same media
published as a brief piece of information an excerpt from a sociological
research, according to which 40% of Croatian high-school students considered it
normal that their partner should hit them. Of course, the mass media never engage
in an analysis of the process of normalization of patriarchal structural
violence, in which, in fact, they participate themselves rather intensely. 


 In his reflection on the &#38;nbsp;socio-cultural
context of the artistic genre of still life, Norman Bryson has establish a
connection between the still life and the genesis of capitalism, that is, the
free market and its immanent element of colonialism. Indicating that the still
life reached its pinnacle in the Dutch painting of the 17th century,
Bryson concluded that the Dutch society, in the period of its rise from 1608
onwards, when “the Dutch became the richest nation the world had ever seen,”
was the first European society to experience the serious problem of oversupply.[7]&#38;nbsp;Modern society has experienced the problem of oversupplied images, including
the images of violent acts and dismembered bodies. Things that used to be abhorrent
and shocking have, in today’s visual culture, become commonplace and
indifferently accepted. The normalization of the abhorrent has been achieved
through the visual media, be it the so-called informative documentarism or the
fictional formats of moving images such as the TV series. In the last decade of
the second millennium, which is remembered, among other things, for the Gulf
and the Balkan Wars, as well as the genocides of Srebrenica and Ruanda, popular
culture has experienced a sort of shift in the paradigms of location and
narrative, whereby the autopsy room has become the place of action and the
forensic pathologists have replaced the detectives as the stars of TV
thrillers. Thereby the spectators are forced to face the original Freudian
trauma – the phantasm of a dismembered body preceding the processes of
identification that the human subject is based upon, or the procedure of
accepting one’s own body as a whole. Instead of that image, we as the observers
and consumers of meanings, implied by the clusters of visual signifiers, are
offered a view into the unimaginable: the image of ourselves in the role of
potential “silent witnesses.”[8]&#38;nbsp;For as Nick Cave sings, “All beauty must die.” 


 When emphasizing the difference in the performatives of Sandra Vitaljić’s
photographs and the TV series in which forensic procedures serve as the axis of
narration, I will once again use Bryson’s reflection on the still life. “While
history painting is structured around narrative” – he writes – “still life is
the world minus its narratives, or better, the world minus its capacity for generating
narrative interest. To narrate is to name what is unique: the singular actions
of individual persons. And narrative works hard to explain why any particular
story is worth narrating... The whole principle of storytelling is jeopardised
or paralysed by the hearer’s objection: ‘So what?’ But still life loves the ‘so
what’. It exactly breaks with narrative’s scale of human importance... Its
loyalty is to objects, not to human significance. The human subject is not only
physically exiled: the scale of values on which narrative and history painting
are based is erased also.”[9]&#38;nbsp;Paraphrasing Bryson, I may say that the still life of Sandra Vitaljić is indeedBeloved, yet minus the narration in
which the figures of the beloved ones are normally construed. Exhibiting images
of literally embodied crimes, of these fragmented and nameless bodies that have
become subjects of forensic procedures, is a performative act in which lyrical
figures are thrown into one’s eyes like gloves before a duel; it means subjecting
the metaphors to their real meaning, disclosing the language that, by blurring
things, perpetuates structural violence. By establishing a link between
voyeurism and sadism, Laura Mulvey has claimed that sadism requires a story and
depends on something that is supposed to happen.[10]&#38;nbsp;In the photographic installation of Sandra Vitaljić, nothing is happening on
the narrative level, and that negation of the story expresses loyalty to the
represented object, which voicelessly asks the very question of the scale of
human values. Instead of a narrative, the installation of Sandra Vitaljić offers
an event that is nothing else but an encounter between the image of a murdered
body and the gaze that has been deprived of scopophiliac pleasure by the
absence of the narrative. It is not clear who, where, and why. The only thing
visible is how. The disembodied,
controlled gaze of the observer is thus restored to its own body, where
culturally produced meanings escape control – in the moment of personal,
individualized encounter with the uncanny. For what Freud has termed das Unheimliche is indeed corporal.


Zagreb, September 2013 &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp;&#38;nbsp; 
Leonida Kovač


[1] Wikipedia,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Where_the_Wild_Roses_Grow (accessed: September 5, 2013).


[2] In Jarman’s film Lena is
played by Tilda Swinton, herself known for her light complexion and red hair.


[3] Antun Gustav Matoš, Živa smrt [Living death].


[4] Victor Burgin, “Photography, Fantasy, Function,” in Thinking Photography, ed. Victor Burgin
(London: Macmillan Press, 1982), pp. 189-190. 


[5] Laura Mulvey, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” in idem, Visual and Other Pleasures (London: MacMillan,
1989).


[6] Shoshana
Felman, The Juridical Unconscious: Trials
and Traumas in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard
University Press, 2002), pp. 82-83.


[7] Norman Bryson, Looking at the Overlooked: Four Essays on
Still Life Painting, the chapter on “Abundance” (London: Reaktion Books,
1990), pp. 98-100.


[8] Silent
Witness is a TV series in BBC production, broadcasted from 1996. The series was
made on the basis of a concept made by a former detective from Nottingham’s
Murder Investigation Department. From the first season until 2004, the main
protagonist was a woman, the forensic pathologist Dr Sam Ryan, played by Amanda Burton, but later the
role of the “boss” was taken over by Dr. Leo Dalton (played by William Gaminar).


[9] Norman
Bryson, “Chardin and the Text of Still Life,” Critical Inquiry 15/ 2 (Winter, 1989), p.
228.


[10] Mulvey, op.cit., pp. 21-22.


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		<title>Installation view</title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/Installation-view</link>

		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Mar 2019 22:44:34 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

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		<title>GRÜNANGER </title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/GRUNANGER</link>

		<pubDate>Sun, 07 Apr 2019 11:42:22 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

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&#38;nbsp;
&#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp; &#38;nbsp;
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		<title>About the work </title>
				
		<link>https://sandravitaljic.com/About-the-work-2</link>

		<pubDate>Sun, 07 Apr 2019 13:55:56 +0000</pubDate>

		<dc:creator>SandraVitaljic</dc:creator>

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		<description>
GRÜNANGER - Work in progress


Grünanger is a vivid
neighbourhood on the outskirts of Graz in southern Austria, made of idyllic
wooden houses, new residential buildings and a large skate park. The history of
its inhabitants is the history of exclusion. It was the location where society
pushed and hid everything that was different and undesirable. The settlement
was built in 1941, for the Germans from the Romanian Bukovina, whom Hitler
called to return to the German lands. Gradually it became a labour camp for war
prisoners and forced labourers. In April 1945, the location became a stopover
for Jews who were forced into the "March of Death" towards the
Mauthausen-Gusen camp. They were starved and forced to sleep in the open. At
least 35 people were killed on the spot. In 1947, British allies excavated a
number of human remains in the area. They also set up a military court that
convicted four guards for their war crimes. But after that, those events
disappeared from public discourse, and for many of the inhabitants of Graz,
that remained unknown until recently. Austria perceived itself as a victim,
denying its own Nazi engagement in World War II. The research
was long obstructed and the process of Graz’s coming to terms with the past was
very long. Finally, a first commemoration ceremony in the memory of the victims
was organized in April 2013, thanks to a few dedicated activists.


The area recently became
a hot topic in the media because of the construction of a nearby hydroelectric power plant,
opposed by local eco-activists. Today in the area live socially endangered
citizens in wooden houses owned by the city of Graz. The houses were not left
out of war but were built on the existing infrastructure. The neighbourhood is
a world for itself, idyllic with its wooden cottages, flower gardens and garden
dwarves. Residents are well connected and often support one another. During
warmer months they socialize in their gardens or on the green fields drinking
cheap beer. Most of them live from social assistance. Due to the city plans for
the&#38;nbsp;development, neighbourhood as it&#38;nbsp;is,&#38;nbsp;could soon disappear
and its residents will be relocated. Most of them fear it will be the end of
their lifestyle because they will be relocated to apartment blocks. The project
is ongoing with occasional visits to the area.


Supported by the City of Graz and Kulturvermittlung Steiermark. Collaborator on the project: Gerhard Gross


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